Brazil - BRAZZIL - Presidential Elections in Brazil - Brazilian Politics

On October 4, some 100 million Brazilians (out of 106,076,088 voters) will be going to the polls to cast their ballot for Brazil's next President, senators, House representatives, assemblymen and state governors. The novelty in this year's election is that a constitutional amendment passed by the Congress in 1997 has allowed the President and state governors to seek reelection after their first four-year term, which had previously been barred by the constitution.

Apart from those amendments, the pre-election season is politics as usual, Brazilian-style, based around the same old caciques (literally, Indian chiefs; figuratively, political bosses), lack of party loyalty and with numerous alliances and coalitions stemming from regional and personal interests rather than national ones.

The lack of new political leadership becomes evident to most people upon looking at the list of candidates for state governors: Paulo Maluf (São Paulo), Miguel Arraes (Pernambuco), Amazonino Mendes (Amazonas), Itamar Franco (Minas Gerais), just to name a few. They all have been in politics for decades.

The same lack of leadership is evident in the presidential candidates, with the exception of PPS' (Partido Popular Socialista—People's Socialist Party) Ciro Gomes, formerly affiliated to the government party PSDB (Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira—Brazilian Social Democracy Party). Although without any real chance of winning the race, Gomes is what analysts call a "charismatic leader", who occasionally turns up in the political scene. While some new candidates manage to consolidate their leadership as Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva did in the 1980s, others come and go, like Fernando Collor de Mello who won the 1989 elections under the banner of the obscure National Reconstruction Party (PRN), and was later impeached.

On the other hand, more than 40% of a total of 513 House representatives have changed parties since 1995. The party switching is not limited to the House of Representatives, though. Very few Brazilian politicians have remained loyal to their original parties, but even those who have done so cannot survive in Brazil's political arena without party associations, which vary according to convenience and circumstances.

Lula, presidential candidate of the PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores—Workers' Party), is a case in point. His alliance with PDT's (Democratic Labor Party) Leonel Brizola (Lula's running mate in next month's election) would have been unthinkable just a few years ago. The bitter verbal exchanges between the former political adversaries were infamous all over the country, when they were rivals for the presidency in 1989. "Governor Brizola would step on his mother's neck to become President", said Lula, back in 1985. Four years later, Brizola counterattacked with one of his many sarcastic comments about Lula: "Politics is the art of engolir sapos (literally, to eat frogs; figuratively, to swallow an insult). Wouldn't it be fascinating to make the Brazilian elite swallow Lula, the bearded frog?"

President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) himself was entangled in a web of alliances and party coalitions even before the reelection amendment was passed. In order to secure the 308 votes needed to amend the constitution, Cardoso had to muster all his charm and political sagacity by striking a series of compromises with different interest groups.

Unfazed by the all too familiar political bargaining that keeps the wheels of Congress in motion, a majority of Brazilians have nonetheless embraced the reelection project. In Brazil, politics are often focused on personalities rather than policies, but the populace seems to believe that time and continuity are key to the consolidation of the economic reforms implemented by Cardoso during his first term.

As of August 11, Brazil's major polling institutes indicate that the incumbent President is leading the polls by a wide margin. According to a survey conducted by the Vox Populi institute for the media conglomerate Diários Associados between August 9 and 11, FHC would win with 44% of the votes if the election were to take place during that period. That represents approximately 44 million votes, and it means that Cardoso may repeat his winning performance of the 1994 election, when he also received 44% of the total votes in the first round. Moreover, 68% of the voters polled—even those who would not vote for FHC—believe that he will be reelected.

These last numbers also show that Cardoso is up three percentage points relative to the polls conducted between July 19 and 21, which confirms that the President has in fact rebounded from his poor performance in the May and June polls. At that time, Cardoso's popularity declined to the worst levels since the beginning of his administration.

The perception among Brazilians was that the government seemed unable to deal with some pressing issues, such as the Northeast drought and the nationwide strike that was led by Brazilian university professors. To make matters worst, the President called those who had retired before the age of fifty "bums", and thus managed to insult roughly 50 million people legally retired under the present legislation. The well-publicized "bums" attack was so damaging to Cardoso that he was forced to go on national television and make a veiled retraction.

In the meantime, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, FHC's closest adversary, has won 23% of the voters according to the Vox Populi institute. Within the survey's margin of error of plus or minus 4%, Lula has dropped one percentage point in the polls since July. His best performance was registered in June, when he had 30% of the electorate's preference, and was then technically tied with FHC.

Lula's inability to reverse the electorate's rejection of his third presidential bid can be partially attributed to Brazilians' ingrained perception that the left-wing candidate advocates a radical new order calling for greater state intervention on all levels of society. PT's critics argue that the Workers' Party has become hostage of its old nationalistic rhetoric based on 1950s' concepts. A recent public statement by Leonel Brizola, vowing to reverse all the privatization deals enacted thus far added to the stridence of that criticism. Brizola's unfortunate remark forced Lula to go to the media and to diplomatically contradict his running mate.

It is still possible that the opposition's performance in the polls may improve with the beginning of the campaign broadcast on national radio and TV. However, even in the event of a run-off election (scheduled for October 25) FHC would still defeat Lula by 53% to 32% according to the analysts.

Surveys conducted by IBOPE and by Datafolha also confirm FHC's leadership in the polls and Lula's decline in the voters' preference. Candidates Ciro Gomes and Enéas Carneiro remain in third and fourth place respectively.

Since August 18, Brazilian TV and radio stations have started daily broadcasts of the mandatory election programs and its parade of self-promoting candidates trying to sell themselves to the electorate. The broadcasts, which air at pre-determined times in the morning, afternoon and in the evening, will continue until October 1, three days before the election.

From 1976 to 1982, the participation of candidates in this type of program was greatly restricted by the so-called Lei Falcão (Falcão Law), which determined what could and could not be shown in the broadcasts. Basically, the candidates were limited to showing a stationary picture on the screen, while a background narrator's voice read the candidates' résumés. Since the reversal of Lei Falcão, electoral programs have become increasingly more inventive and more expensive.

The present electoral legislation regulates TV and radio campaign broadcasts by distributing of airtime to each party as follows: one third of all available air time is divided evenly among the parties, while two thirds is divided up according to each party's number of House representatives at the time the legislation was implemented. Therefore, the larger the party coalition (which is not prohibited by law), the longer the airtime.

Cardoso's PSDB alliance with PFL (Liberal Front Party) and PMDB (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party)—the two parties with most seats in the House of Representatives—has given the coalition's candidates over 20 minutes of air time, twice as much the PT/PDT coalition time. FHC alone had 11 minutes for himself in his first TV appearance.

Whereas the President spent most of his air time talking to an interviewer talk-show style and reflecting on the achievements of his administrations, Lula focused on "chatting" with the viewers and appealing to their emotions. He talked about his dreams for Brazil—a country with no hunger and zero illiteracy—and he launched the theme of the color white as the symbolic color of his campaign, a surprising departure from the traditional red used by the Workers' Party.

Ciro Gomes, alleging that the Real plan has lost its original purpose, was unaffected and articulate; an angry Enéas Carneiro, of PRONA (Party for the National Order Re-edification) amused the viewers with promises of manufacturing an atomic bomb. The other Presidential candidates, also with very limited airtime, tried to appeal to the voters in the best way they could. Here are some of their slogans: "I'm catholic" (Eymael, of PSDC - Christian Social-Democratic Party); "Vote different" (Sirkis, of PV - Green Party); "Jobs, salaries and land" (Almeida, of PSTU - Socialist Party of the Unified Workers); "Brazilian women, join forces with the only Presidential female candidate" (Ruiz, of PTN - National Labor Party); "I represent the resurgence of Vargas' labor movement" (Jesus, of PT do B - Brazilian Labor Party).

The greatest surprise, though, was Fernando Collor de Mello's unexpected appearance on the radio and TV broadcasts. The former President, whose political rights are suspended until 2002, had sought to register his candidacy anyway. Although TSE has rejected Collor's registration petition, the resolution would only become effective after its publication in the Diário Oficial da Justiça (the daily newspaper that publishes all official resolutions by the government's judiciary branch). That only happened the day after the electoral broadcasts started, and Collor immediately took advantage of TSE's delay. (The electoral legislation guarantees airtime to all political parties, as long as their registration hasn't been denied by TSE.)

In tune with the times, the masterminds behind Fernando Henrique Cardoso's campaign have also designed a telemarketing system which will inform voters through a toll-free phone number ( 0800 780045) of the President's accomplishments during his first term (press 6) and of his plans for the second term (press 7). By pressing 2, voters will get instructions on how to vote; pressing 3, voters will have information on all the coalition parties supporting FHC; and pressing either 4 or 5, they will get to hear a recorded message from Cardoso himself. To talk to one of the 104 operators hired to work the system, press 8. These operators end calls by saying: "Fernando Henrique thanks you for your participation."

Brazil's electoral legislation does not set a limit as to how much each party can spend on the election campaign, but it regulates the amount of donations received. According to TSE, corporations can donate up to 2% of their revenues, while an individual can donate up to 10% of his gross income as filed in the previous year's income tax. Candidates themselves are also allowed to donate their own money to the campaign fund as long as it doesn't exceed the amount registered with TSE.

Another provision of the law requires that candidates open a specific bank account for campaign transactions only. Candidates are also required to render account of all transactions with TSE. Any remaining balance at the end of the campaign cannot be used by the candidates, and shall be donated to the parties' foundations or institutes in charge of political indoctrination or education.

In 1994, corporate donations to then candidate Cardoso totaled $27.4 million, which represented 97% of all donations to FHC's campaign. Lula received $2.2 million from corporations, while another $1.4 million were raised among PT's affiliates.

The exact amount to be spent by each presidential candidate is not known; their campaign budget might be in fact ten times the amount disclosed so far. FHC leads the list with campaign expenditures estimated in $62.2 million, followed by Ciro Gomes with $28.1 million. It is estimated that Lula and Enéas Carneiro each plan to spend around $12.8 million. José Maria de Almeida has the lowest budget—only $170 thousand, followed by João de Deus de Jesus with an estimated budget of $426 thousand. Ivan Frota and Teresa Ruiz have not disclosed their campaign budgets, and all other candidates will be spending between $1.3 and $1.7 million.

According to a preliminary study conducted by the Superior Electoral Court (TSE), the number of Brazilian voters has increased by a surprising 4.73% nationwide since 1996—on average, the electorate increased by 2.5% every two years. The study also shows that the Brazilian electorate is aging. While voters over the age of 69 increased by 15.71%, the demand for voter registration from 16 and 17 year olds (for whom voting is optional) has dropped by an average of 21.78%. The greatest increase has occurred among voters in the 35-59 year old age bracket, who collectively applied for 2,996,292 new voter IDs.

The number of women voters is also on the rise, and they already represent a majority of voters in 10 states. Overall, male voters still lead the Brazilian electorate, representing 49.97% of all voters, but women are closing the gap: they now account for 47.79% of Brazil's electorate. Since 1994, TSE has issued 500 thousand new voter IDs for women.

There was also an increase in the number of Brazilian expatriates who have registered to vote abroad. They number 47,392 voters this year against 39,760 in 1994. Brazilian voters are spread out among 95 countries, but the largest electorate—11,377—is located in the United States. Italy comes in second with 4,106 registered Brazilian voters, followed by Portugal with 3,621.

As for the educational profile of the electorate, TSE's study shows that only 3.28% of voters have a university degree. The Federal District has the highest proportion of college graduates among its voters—7.2%—while the state of Maranhão has the lowest—0.78%. Considering the large overall increase of the electorate, the number of illiterate voters has also decreased by nearly 100 thousand. Maranhão, which has 1,987,241 voters, is still the state with the largest percentage of illiterate voters—19.31%.

Conversely, the increase in the number of registered voters is in direct contrast to a decreased interest in politics, which was expressed by Brazilian voters in a study conducted by the Institute of University Research of Rio de Janeiro (IUPERJ). This institute has been gathering data on voter participation in all elections that have taken place in Brazil since 1982.

Published in December 1997, IUPERJ's study confirms some suspicions and dispels some myths. For example, the myth that voters from the south and southeast regions are more politically conscious, and therefore less likely to invalidate their votes, is shown to be untrue in this study. According to IUPERJ, Roraima and Amapá are the Brazilian states with the lowest number of null and blank votes in previous elections.

Just to give an idea, in 1994, 87.8% of votes cast in Amapá and Roraima for state governor were valid, compared to 79.7% of votes in Rio de Janeiro, 76.2% in São Paulo, and 81% in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. That same year, 9 out of 10 voters from Amapá and Roraima validated their votes for President against 8 out of 10 in Rio and São Paulo. On the other hand, Bahia and Alagoas registered the highest percentage of invalid votes among all Brazilian states.

However, political analysts believe that Amapá's and Roraima's voters are motivated mostly by personal interest rather than by civic pride. According to the analysts, the election period is the only time when voters have a chance to obtain concrete favors from the politicians in exchange for their votes.

Asked about Brazil's major problems, two thousand voters surveyed by polling institute IBOPE between August 14 and 18 pointed out health issues as their main concern (39%), while other major concerns included unemployment (37%), and hunger and poverty (21%). Crime and violence came in fourth place with 20% of the answers, followed by education with 14%, drugs with 12%, and salaries with 11%.

Who's Being Elected

1 President and Vice-President, elected for a four-year term.

513 deputados federais (House representatives), elected for a four-year term by proportional representation.

1,045 deputados estaduais (assemblymen), elected for a four-year term.

27 senadores (senators), elected for a eight-year term, with elections every four years for alternately one-third and two-thirds of the seats.

27 state governadores (governors), elected for a four-year term.

Close-ups

Fernando Henrique Cardoso—Sociologist and college professor, President Cardoso was born in Rio de Janeiro in 1931. At the age of 30, he received his Ph.D. in Social Sciences from the University of São Paulo, and became well known in the academic community for his theories about the dependence of Latin America on international capitalism. After the military coup in 1964, Cardoso voluntarily sought exile in Chile, and later on in France, and didn't return to Brazil until 1968. Cardoso entered the Brazilian Senate in 1983. Two years later, he ran for mayor of São Paulo, but was unsuccessful on his election bid. In 1986, he became a senator again. After a stint as President Itamar Franco's Foreign Minister, Cardoso was appointed Franco's Finance Minister; he was elected President in 1994, anchored by the success of the Real plan. Party: PSDB (Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira—Brazilian Social Democracy Party). Married to Ruth; three children. Leading the polls.

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva—Born in Garanhuns (state of Pernambuco) in 1946, this former metalworker is a third-time candidate to the presidency of Brazil. The son of a peasant, Lula has lived in São Paulo since his early childhood. Lula gained national fame in 1978, after leading a metalworkers strike in defiance to the military dictatorship. In 1982, he came in fourth place in São Paulo's governor election, and in 1986 he was elected to the House of Representatives. His first attempt to become President was in 1989, when he was defeated by Fernando Collor de Mello in the run-off election. Four years later, Lula was again defeated, losing to President Cardoso in the first round. Party: PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores—Workers' Party). Married to Marisa, his third wife; four children (three sons by Marisa and a daughter from his second marriage). Second in the polls.

Ciro Gomes—The youngest of all presidential candidates, Gomes was born in Pindamonhangaba (state of São Paulo) in 1957. With a degree from Ceará Federal University's Law School, Gomes entered politics while still a student. Twice elected to the House of Representatives (1983 and 1987), he became mayor of Fortaleza (Ceará state capital) in 1989, and Ceará's governor in 1991. After Minister Rubens Ricupero's resignation, Gomes was appointed Finance Minister by President Itamar Franco. Party: PPS (Partido Popular Socialista—People's Socialist Party). Married to Patrícia; three children. Third in the polls.

Enéas Carneiro—Cardiologist, 60, Carneiro was born in the state of Acre, but it wasn't until the age of nine that his birth was registered in Belém (state of Pará), which became his official birthplace. A self-proclaimed nationalist, Carneiro is running for President for the third time. In the 1989 presidential election, Carneiro received over 300 thousand votes in spite of his limited airtime (15 seconds) on TV. Four years later, he came in a surprising third place with nearly 5 million votes. Party: PRONA (Partido de Reedificação da Ordem Nacional— Party for the National Order Re-edification). Married twice; divorced. Fourth in the polls

Alfredo Sirkis—Carioca (Rio's native), born in 1951, Sirkis was an active member of the student movement which opposed the military dictatorship. Exiled in France in 1971, Sirkis was twice-elected councilman upon his return to Brazil. He was the author of the project that created the Municipal Environment Secretariat. Party: PV (Partido Verde—Green Party). Ranking in the polls unknown.

Ivan Moacyr Frota—Retired brigadier Ivan Frota, 67, entered politics in 1993, upon his retirement from the armed forces. Party: PMN (Partido da Mobilização Nacional—National Mobilization Party). Ranking in the polls unknown.

João de Deus Barbosa de Jesus—Party: PT do B (Partido Trabalhista do Brasil—Labor Party of Brazil) Ranking in the polls unknown.

Teresa Ruiz—Party: PTN (Partido Trabalhista Nacional—National Labor Party). She presents herself as the only Brazilian candidate to the presidency. Ranking in the polls unknown.

José Maria de Almeida—Born in the state of Minas Gerais in 1958, Almeida is an active member of the metalworkers movement. In 1980, he was arrested, together with Lula and 17 other metalworkers, for inciting a series of strikes in the state of São Paulo. Almeida was also president of the metalworkers union in Belo-Horizonte and Contagem (both in the state of Minas Gerais) and director of labor union CUT (Central Única de Trabalhadores—Workers' Unified Central) in that state. Party: PSTU (Partido Socialista dos Trabalhadores Unificado (Unified Workers' Socialist Party)

José Maria Eymael—Born in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, Eymael, 58, is a former São Paulo assemblyman (1986) and house representative (1990). He has a degree in Philosophy and another degree in Law from PUC/RS. Party: PSDC (Partido Social Democrata Cristão—Christian Social Democrat Party). Ranking in the polls unknown.

Sérgio Bueno—Lawyer, 50, Bueno was a former INSS (Social Security National Institute) attorney, and is currently a private consultant. Party: PSC (Partido Social Cristão—Christian Social Party) . Ranking in the polls unknown.

Vasco de Azevedo Neto—Former House representative from 1970 to 1986, Neto is a retired professor from Bahia Federal University's Engineering School. Party: PSN (Partido Solidarista Nacional—National Solidarist Party). Ranking in the polls unknown.

Parties for
All Tastes

PAN (Partido dos Aposentados da Nação—Party of the Nation's Retired)

PCB (Partido Comunista Brasileiro—Brazilian Communist Party)

PC do B (Partido Comunista do Brasil—Communist Party of Brazil)

PCO (Partido da Causa Operária—Workers' Cause Party)

PDT (Partido Democrático Trabalhista—Workers' Democratic Party)

PFL (Partido da Frente Liberal—Liberal Front Party)

PGT (Partido Geral dos Trabalhadores—Workers' General Party)

PL (Partido Liberal—Liberal Party)

PMDB (Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro—Brazilian Democratic Movement Party)

PMN (Partido da Mobilização Nacional—National Mobilization Party)

PP (Partido Progressista—Progressive Party)

PPB (Partido Progressista Brasileiro—Brazilian Progressive Party)

PPR (Partido Progressista Reformador—Reformer Progressive Party)

PPS (Partido Popular Socialista—People's Socialist Party) former PCB (Partido Comunista Brasileiro—Brazilian Communist Party)

PRN (Partido da Reconstrução Nacional—National Reconstruction Party)

PRONA (Partido da Reedificação da Ordem Nacional— Party for the National Order Re-edification)

PRP (Partido Republicano Progressista—Progressive Republican Party).

PRTB (Partido Renovador Trabalhista Brasileiro—Brazilian Labor Reformer Party)

PSB (Partido Socialista Brasileiro—Brazilian Socialist Party)

PSC (Partido Social Cristão—Christian Social Party)

PSD (Partido Social Democrático—Social Democratic Party)

PSDB (Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira—Brazilian Social Democracy Party)

PSDC (Partido Social Democrata Cristão—Christian Social Democrat Party)

PSL (Partido Social Liberal—Liberal Social Party)

PSN (Partido Solidarista Nacional—National Solidarist Party)

PST (Partido Social Trabalhista—Social Labor Party)

PSTU (Partido Socialista dos Trabalhadores Unificado—Unified Socialist Workers' Party)

PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores—Workers' Party)

PTN (Partido Trabalhista Nacional—National Labor Party)

PT do B (Partido Trabalhista do Brasil—Labor Party of Brazil)

PTB (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro—Brazilian Labor Party)

PV (Partido Verde—Green Party)

All the
Presidents
Names
1889—1998

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Brazilian elections are going high-tech. Fifty percent of the Brazilian electorate will have access to a new system of electronic voting, which was first tested in the 1996 municipal elections. The compact computerized voting machines used in 1996 were designed and built by American company Unisys, making Brazil the first nation to use this mechanism. This year's machines were manufactured by Procomp Indústria Eletrônica, a Brazilian firm headquartered in São Paulo.

After the successful experience two years ago, TSE (Tribunal Superior Eleitoral—Supreme Electoral Court) hoped to totally computerize the 1998 voting procedures, but a lack of funds has limited the voting machines to 125,691 units, which will be installed in 249 municipalities with more than 52 thousand voters each. That represents nearly 51 million voters.

The electronic ballot greatly reduces the tabulation time and the possibility of fraud. Voters will take approximately twenty seconds to cast their ballot instead of the average two minutes spent on the manual voting process. Moreover, electronic voting greatly reduces null and blank votes.

The voting machine's numerical pad has keys similar to a telephone dial pad. It also has three colored keys, which will confirm the ballot (green key), correct the ballot (orange key), or give the voter the choice to abstain from voting (white key).

Powered by AC power, the machines come with an internal battery which will keep them working for an additional hour and a half in case of power failure. If the power failure extends over that period of time, the machines can be hooked up to any car battery, and will work uninterruptedly the whole day.

1) Voter arrives at the precinct and identifies himself by presenting his título de eleitor (voters I.D.) or a regular I.D. ( if título de eleitor has been lost or misplaced).

2) Precinct clerk registers the I.D. number on a micro terminal, which automatically clears the voting machine for use.

3) Machine's screen displays a command to vote for deputado federal (representative), in addition to a space where voter can type the four-digit number representing the candidate's registration number.

4) Once the representative's number is typed, the screen will show the number, name and picture of the chosen candidate, plus the name of his party. Voter is then instructed to confirm or correct his ballot by pressing either the green key or the orange key. Those who have chosen to cast a blank vote will press the white key, leaving the four-digit number space blank.

5) Next, the screen displays a command to vote for deputado estadual (assemblyman), and a space where voter will type the candidate's five-digit registration number. Voter repeats step 4.

6) Screen displays a command to vote for presidente (president), and a space to type the candidate's two-digit registration number. Voter follows step 4 again.

7) The next command will instruct voter to cast his ballot for governador (governor), and to type the candidate's two-digit number in the space provided. Voter repeats step 4.

8) Screen displays a command to vote for senador (senator), and a space to type the candidate's two-digit number. Voter follows step 4 once more. The word fim (end) will come up on the screen, indicating that the voting process has been completed successfully.

9) Voter returns to the precinct clerk and retrieves his I.D. and proof of voting attendance.

106 Million
Voters

23.309.908 voters are from São Paulo, 11.815.219 from Minas Gerais, 9.971.925 from Rio de Janeiro, 7.932.243 from Bahia. The state with fewer voters is Roraima, which has 170.621 registered voters.

......Municipalities ....Sites.. ..Sections .....Voters
Southeast 1.666.... 22.686.... 112.570.... 47.013.951

Northeast 1.789 ....32.836 .....95.712 .....28.538.352

South ........1.159 ....20.901 ....55.794 .....16.747.049

Mid-West ...450 ......5.182 .....21.286 .......6.988.708

North ..........449...... 7.207..... 22.122 .......6.740.636

Overseas ......95......... 213 ..........213 ............47.392

Totals....... 5.608 ....89.025 ...307.697 ...106.076.088

Data from TSE

You Too
Can Vote

All the US
Brazilian consulates
phones and addresses

Brazilian expatriates may vote at the nearest consulate, providing they have previously registered to vote at that consular office. Voters who have registered for the 1994 elections are already eligible to vote, unless they have moved to another consular jurisdiction, in which case they should have re-registered at the new jurisdiction until May 15, 1998. Voters who have missed the registration deadline will be ineligible to vote.

Absentee voters MUST justify their absence on Election Day by either going to a consular office, or to the nearest Tribunal Regional Eleitoral (Regional Electoral Court) upon returning to Brazil. If the latter applies, voters must provide proof that they were abroad either during the first or second round of the election, or both. Either way, they will have up to 30 days after the election takes place to justify their absence. TSE strictly forbids Brazilians in transit to vote.

Those voting at local consulates must present their título de eleitor (voter card) or the 1998 registration stub, plus a Brazilian I.D. Voters will be assisted on a first come, first served basis.

Brazilian Consulate General in Atlanta
229 Peachtree Street, N.E., Suite 2306
Atlanta, GA 30303
Phone: (404) 521-0061
Fax: (404) 521-3449
E-mail: cgba@mindspring.com

Jurisdiction: States of Alabama, North and South Carolina, Mississippi, Tennessee and Georgia.

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Brazilian Consulate General in Boston
The Stattler Building
20 Park Plaza, suite 810
Boston, MA 02116
Phone: (617) 542-4000
Fax: (617) 542-4318
E-mail: cgbos@ma.ultranet.com

Jurisdiction: States of Massachusetts, Maine, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Vermont.

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Brazilian Consulate General in Chicago
401 North Michigan Avenue, Suite 3050
Chicago, IL 60611
Phone: (312) 464-0244
Fax: (312) 464-0299
E-mail: bras-cg@ix.netcom.com

Jurisdiction: States of North Dakota, South Dakota, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska and Wisconsin.

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Brazilian Consulate General in Houston
1700 West Loop South, suite 1450
Houston, TX 77027
Phones: (713) 961-3063/64/65
(713) 961-0551—Trade Bureau
Fax: (713) 961-3070
E-mail: consbras@brazilhouston.org
Homepage: http://www.neosoft.com/~cgbrahou/

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Jurisdiction: States of Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, Nevada, Utah, Arizona, Hawaii, and in California, the counties of Imperial, Kern, Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino, San Luis Obispo, Santa Barbara, and Ventura.

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Brazilian Consulate General in Miami
2601 S. Bayshore Drive, Suite 800
Miami, FL 33133
Phone: (305) 285-6200
Fax: (305) 285-6229
Fax on demand for information and forms: (305) 285-6259
E-mail: consbras@brazilmiami.org
Homepage: http://www.brazilmiami.org/

Jurisdiction: States of Florida, Arkansas, Louisiana, and all U.S. Territories in the Caribbean.

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Jurisdiction: States of Connecticut, Delaware, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania and the Bermuda Islands

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Brazilian Consulate General in San Francisco
300 Montgomery Street, suite 900
San Francisco, CA, 94104
Phone: (415) 981-8170
Fax: (415) 981-3628
E-mail: brazil@crl.com
Homepage: http://www.crl.com/~brazil/

Jurisdiction: States of Oregon, Washington, Alaska and in the state of California, the counties of Alameda, Alpine, Amador, Butte, Calaveras, Colusa, Contra Costa, Del Norte, El Dorado, Fresno, Glenn, Humboldt, Inyo, Kings, Lake, Lassen, Ladera, Marin, Mariposa, Mendocino, Merced, Modoc, Mono, Monterey, Napa, Nevada, Placer, Plumas, Sacramento, San Benedito, San Francisco, San Joaquin, San Mateo, Santa Clara, Santa Cruz, Shasta, Sierra, Siskyou, Solano, Sonoma, Stanislau, Sutter, Tehama, Trinity, Tulare, Tuolunme, Yolo, and Yuma.

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Jurisdiction: District of Columbia, states of Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, Ohio, and Kentucky.

Not So
Straight
Ticket

Marta Alvim

Close-ups

Parties for
All Tastes

All the
Presidents
Names
1889—1998

'Celebrities'
Running
for Office

Just
Press the
Button

106 Million
Voters

You Too
Can Vote

All the US
Brazilian consulates
phones and addresses

Not So Straight Ticket

Marta Alvim

Close-ups

Parties for All Tastes

All the Presidents Names 1889—1998

'Celebrities' Running for Office

Just Press the Button

106 Million Voters

You Too Can Vote

All the US Brazilian consulates phones and addresses

Not So
Straight
Ticket

Parties for
All Tastes

All the
Presidents
Names
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